Thoughts on Bangladesh - What's next?
Does history repeat itself? If
we are to ask this question, the overwhelming response we’ll get is that it
does. However, it may not be always true. Take for example the case of
Bangladesh that had its national election four months ago in which the Awami
League (AL) alliance, which has been running the country in the preceding five
years, easily won without the participation from the major BNP-Jama’at alliance.
The election was anything but fair in which dozens of seats were won without
any opposition candidate contesting those seats – something that almost never
happens, especially in Bangladesh where there is neither shortage of political
parties nor of independent candidates.
As noted by William Milam, the former U.S. ambassador to
Bangladesh, in a recent article in the Express Tribune (March 11, 2014), many
believed that somehow, somebody or something — the army, the international
community, the West, a leader on a white horse — would appear and stop the ‘defective’
election that was in the offing. But none of those outcomes occurred.
As the dust settled from the melee of the election time
violence and the opposition BNP-led alliance has come to terms that the current
government cannot be toppled by mindless violence that victimizes ordinary
people, and normalcy has become the order of the day inside Bangladesh, it is
important to ponder about the direction Bangladesh is heading politically?
Some political pundits believe that the current affairs are
a dress rehearsal of the ‘hated’ BAKSAL days – the introduction of the
one-party system months before the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (the
father of current Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina) was toppled bloodily in August
15 of 1975 by some disgruntled army officers whose murderous activities enjoyed
the blessings from the CIA.
I disagree with such an assertion of those political pundits
and believe that no matter how flawed the illiberal democracy is inside
Bangladesh, it will self-correct itself and that the country will not revisit
her BAKSAL days. That happy end, however, may not come anytime soon, but I am
optimistic that it will come one day; that timing would depend on how serious
Bangladeshis are to bring about the desired change. If the two major parties
(AL and BNP) are beyond repair (self-scrutiny and corrective actions), are the
people ready for a new party – something like India’s Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) – offering
fresh ideas and new leaders that shun crime and corruption? My reasons behind the dissenting view on why
Bangladesh will not revisit her BAKSAL days owe to the changing socio-political-economic
landscape of our time – both local and international that is at variance with
the norms of 1975. What was possible, popular and suitable back then in 1975 is
neither true nor valid today. Everyone within the current leadership of the
ruling alliance finds the BAKSAL-hoopla as mere propaganda nonsense and
considers it a smokescreen to cover-up the failure of the opposition alliance.
But supposing that the worst is inevitable and that
Bangladesh will revisit its past and embrace its BAKSAL past, who are to blame?
Can the BNP evade responsibility from letting such an event happen?
As many Bangladeshis would tell, the BNP is equally
responsible for the ‘farcical election’ (as it continues to refer to the last
election) because of its many errors of strategy and judgment. Had it contested
and won just five dozen seats in a ‘rigged’ election even if the AL-alliance
had a two-thirds majority winning at least 200 seats, the ruling alliance’s illiberal
ambitions would be on the check. The BNP-alliance could have used the floor of
the parliament to debate and dissent. But now, they are portrayed as an
opportunist party that cared more about themselves and not the people of the
country.
It goes without saying that democracy is a farce without a
healthy opposition. For an illiberal democracy to transition into liberal
democracy it must allow opposing views to be heard and debated. Such a
transition cannot happen when there are no takers – neither on the winning side
nor on the losing or opposing side. As a result of this impasse, the ultimate
losers are the people of Bangladesh whose genuine desires to live in a just
society continue to be dashed by disingenuous politicians.
Not everything is, however, lost in Bangladesh’s so-called
two-party (or alliance) formula. The current set up is still capable of making
things better if it has the sincerity and will to execute reforms (starting
with its own structure). The AL alliance government is accused of practicing
widespread human rights violations, marginalizing the main opposition by
continuing to arrest its leaders, denying space for any political opponent to
protest peacefully, and using the War Crimes Tribunal as politically motivated trials
to lame and tame its opposition. On its part, the administration of Sheikh
Hasina can correct such widely held perceptions and resist any temptation and political
itch that only invigorates the notion that it is resurrecting BAKSAL. It can also
afford not to appear as cementing Indian hegemony over Bangladesh with what are
arguably one-sided concessions and guarantees given to India, and must,
instead, change the negative perception it suffers by fighting for legitimate
demands of her people on an equal footing on a plethora of issues from the equitable
share of water in international rivers to stopping the almost daily shooting of
Bangladeshis by the trigger-happy BSF along the no-man’s land separating the
two countries.
The opposition BNP-alliance is widely perceived as an
opportunist, if not an immoral, alliance that is against the spirit of the
liberation war and only hungry for power and personal gains. The lavish
lifestyles of its leaders - home and abroad - have only given credence to such
perceptions. On its part, the alliance can choose to correct such negative
perceptions by excluding murderous politicians and criminal Mafia Dons who have
been found guilty in the courts of the law. It can also resist any temptation
to turn its clock back to the pre-election days of violence. Bangladeshis don’t
have stomach for such crimes. The recent win in the local and upazila elections
by its candidates shows that the opposition alliance remains a formidable
opposition enjoying deep-rooted support within the populace. It can bank on
such supports to regroup it and formulate short term tactics and long term strategies
that show that it is serious about improving socio-political- economic
condition of Bangladeshis.
The choice is theirs (i.e., the ruling and opposition
alliances) to make – moving forward or going backward. If they are genuinely
sincere about Bangladesh they can work towards creating the true intellectual
and moral foundations of the state through inclusive political rights, freedom
and economic equality. And if they don’t learn lessons from history by altering
their failed ways, they will end up in the dustbin of history. History is unforgiving on those who refuse to
learn from it.
(Concluded)
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